OTTAWA BRIEFED ON PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY’S GLORIFICATION OF TERRORISM

It was only recently that Abbas Zaki, a member of the Central Committee of Fatah and a senior Palestinian leader, addressed first-year students at Al Quds Open University in Nablus.

In his address, which was monitored by Palestinian Media Watch (PMW), Zaki told the first-year students that real men court death if it means advancing the Palestinian cause, that they are cursed if they do not sacrifice for Jerusalem and that those who die a normal death are cowards.

“Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! Cursed is anyone who doesn’t sacrifice for Jerusalem,” he told the students.

A little while before that, WAFA, the official Palestinian Authority (PA) news agency, ran a piece on matriculation day for Grade 12 students, noting that 16 of their contemporaries in the same grade had been killed during attacks on Israelis that year. The news agency said that their path to martyrdom made their families proud and that those who died in that way showed the path to excellence and greatness.

That news report was also monitored by PMW, which follows Palestinian television and radio broadcasts. PMW’s 20 Arab-speaking employees also scan social media, analyze school textbooks and read Palestinian newspapers.

These media outlets offer “a window into Palestinians society,” and lately they show a society that’s hell-bent on preparing their children to attack and kill Jews, to expect death and to glory in martyrdom in the name of Allah, said Itamar Marcus, founder and director of PMW.

This is nothing less than the abuse of these children’s human rights on a massive scale, Marcus said.

Marcus was in Ottawa on Nov. 20 to address the Canada-Israel Interparliamentary Group and to brief officials from Global Affairs Canada about the organization’s findings. His briefings coincided with Universal Children’s Day, which was proclaimed by the United Nations as a day to promote children’s welfare.

PMW relies on public material when it investigates Palestinian media, he told The CJN.

In fact, if he were to launch the organization today, he’d call it “Palestinian Society Watch,” because it digs deep into what makes the Palestinian community tick.

Right now, it’s the glorification of terrorism and martyrdom that is prevalent in Palestinian society. It reaches down into the daily lives of Palestinian youths, even leeching into the world of sport, he said.

Recently, a youth soccer tournament was held and each of the 11 participating teams was named after a terrorist or a prominent leader of a terrorist organization.

Another soccer tournament, along with the championship cup, was named for Ahmad Manasrah, a 13-year-old Palestinian boy who stabbed a 13-year-old Israeli in the neck in 2015.

“The role-modelling and messaging is just unbelievable for children,” Marcus said.

There are also events named for Dalal Mugrahbi, such as a basketball tournament, he continued. Mugrahbi was a terrorist who took part in the 1978 Coastal Road massacre, in which 38 Israelis, including 13 children, were killed.

Palestinian youths are being indoctrinated into believing that killing Jews is “the right thing to do, the heroic thing to do,” he said.

PMW, Marcus continued, “wants Palestinian youth to have a future.” But under the barrage of media and the influence of the education system, “These kids have no future and Israel will suffer, as well, having a generation of Palestinians grow up who believe it’s their obligation to kill Jews.”

Informing parliamentarians about the reality of Palestinian culture is a first step to driving action, according to Marcus.

Liberal MP Michael Levitt chairs the all-party interparliamentary group. He said the information presented by Marcus was troubling, but that Canada has stopped directly funding the PA. Instead, it directs its financial support to specific groups and events. “We want to foster hope and create chances for peace and bridge building,” he said.

That’s the kind of approach that could be emulated by other governments hoping to improve the chances for peace, Levitt said.

Marcus said PMW’s goal is to convince parliamentarians to take joint measures to make funding of the PA conditional on ending the incitement to violence.

Canadian parliamentarians are in a good position to influence their counterparts in other democracies, he continued.

Not long ago, Marcus informed Belgian lawmakers that a school their government had funded was named after Mugrahbi. The Belgian government pressured the PA into changing the name and after one year, that’s exactly what happened. But at the same time, the PA named two other schools in Hebron after the same terrorist.

As a result, the Belgians, who had committed to funding additional schools, cut off school funding to the PA, which affected 10 additional schools.

“We would like to see the PA given an ultimatum that if they have a sporting event named after a terrorist and if school books present terrorist killers of women and children as heroic, we will no longer fund you,” Marcus said.

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Two failed wars with Israel in 1948 and 1967 brought Palestinians to the brink of losing their ancestral homelands. Few of them agreed to live under occupation, and the neighboring countries were overwhelmed with waves of refugees. The amount of Palestinians in Jordan reached 1 million – around 60% of the country’s total population – towards the end of the 1960s.

After the Six-Day War in 1967, members of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (under the command of Yasser Arafat), the Palestinian National Liberation Front, the Palestinian Democratic Liberation Front and several other armed groups, along with peaceful citizens, crossed the new border with Israel along the Jordan River into Jordan itself. They created a “government within a government” inside the refugee camps and were often in conflict with the local law enforcement.

Businessmen set up rackets under the guise of raising funds in the fight against Israel, kidnapped people and stole cars, set up their own checkpoints on international highways, denied law enforcement agencies entry into refugee camps, and killed soldiers and police officers. There were about 500 violent clashes between the Palestinians and representatives of the Jordanian government just between mid-1968 until the end of 1969.

In September 1970, with “attracting attention to the Palestine problem” as their stated goal, fighters hijacked four American and European planes and landed them on an abandoned airstrip in the Jordanian desert. Crew members, Israelis and members of US government organizations were held hostage and the rest of the passengers were released.

The only failure in this series of hijackings was by the 26-year-old beauty Leila Khaled. She became a star of the Palestinian National Liberation Front in 1968 after the hijacking of an American Boeing-707 in Syria. She had plastic surgery six times on her nose and chin to change her appearance, and on 6 September, she boarded an Israeli El-Al flight flying from London to Tel Aviv along with Nicaraguan fighter Patrick Arguello with the intention of hijacking it.

The group had already messed up the operation during boarding: the airline security service denied entry to two terrorists with suspicious Senegal passports. Khaled and Arguello were now forced to act alone and, just half an hour after take-off, they pulled out guns and grenades, demanding access to the pilot’s cabin. The Israelis seemed to be ready for this confrontation. One of the passengers hit Arguello over the head with a bottle of whiskey and Captain Uri Bar-Lev, a former combat pilot, sent the Boeing into a deep dive, throwing the hijacker onto the floor. Khaled was severely beaten in the ensuing fight and her accomplice killed one of the armed guards that El-Al secretly placed in the cabin of its aircraft.

Hijacking the planes, in addition to several assassination attempts on King Hussein of Jordan, were enough grounds on which to initiate military operations. The plan was worked out by an invited consultant, Brig. Gen. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, who would go on to seize power in Pakistan eight years later. Jordanian tanks began shooting at the Palestinian headquarters in Amman on 16 September 1970, and the infantry stormed the six refugee camps.

Two days after the start of the operation, Syrian soldiers sent by Defense Minister Hafez al-Assad crossed the Jordanian border to help the Palestinians. A segment of their 200 tanks, according to the rules of “hybrid war”, had the emblem of the Syrian army painted over, and now the Palestine Liberation Organization had their own armored vehicles.

The Syrian army was able to penetrate deep into the country’s territory, but fearing US and British intervention, Assad didn’t send the air force. The Syrian contingent found itself unprotected against the Jordanian Air Force and, four days after starting the operation, they were forced to retreat.

As I quoted a few days ago.. "The only thing worse than being talked about, is not being talked about."

By this time, the conflict had attracted the attention of superpowers. The US 6th Fleet appeared on the banks of the Jordan River, and two British aircraft carriers docked at Malta. 20 Soviet ships and 6 submarines arrived in Syria to counter them. Both sides demonstrated a willingness to make an incursion – it smelled of a major war and the situation needed to be dealt with urgently. On 27 September in Cairo, with Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser as a mediator, an agreement was signed in which Jordan agreed to cease military action and the Palestinians promised to recognize the authority of King Hussein.

The Jordanians were outraged about being coerced into the agreement which didn’t allow the army to achieve complete victory in the war. Their hands, however, were soon once again separated by the death of Abdel Nasser and by the refusal of the Palestinian National Liberation Front and the Palestinian Democratic Liberation Front to follow the agreement that Arafat signed. The operation against the Palestinians was continued in January, 1971, and by summer the radicals were pushed out of towns and the camps into the mountains, driven into Lebanon or killed outright. Hussein was finally able to announce at a press conference at the end of July that everything was “completely calm” in his kingdom. Almost 100 Jordanian soldiers and 3,500-5,000 Palestinians, including women and children, died during the military operation.

Ok ok, you are doing a super job of keeping the flag flying, with all these "facts" and ting.. Bravo bravo..

The term “Black September” was made famous by a terrorist group of the same name, which became a member of the Palestinian organization Fatah. The group assassinated Wasfi al-Tal, the Prime Minister of Jordan, in Cairo at the end of 1970, and also killed 11 members of the Israeli Olympic team in September, 1972, during an unsuccessful attempt to free the squad. They were not the only victims of “Black September,” but perhaps the most famous ones.

The 1967 War and the Birth of International Terrorism

Among the many children of the Six-Day War, the most frightening is international terrorism. Of course, terrorism, including Palestinian terrorism, predated 1967, but the war changed its scope, scale, and very nature. Before the war, Palestinian terrorists struck at targets in Israel, often in cooperation with neighboring states. After the war, the Palestinians used terrorism to internationalize the conflict, hijacking and destroying airplanes, holding diplomats hostage, and even attacking Israelis at the 1972 Munich Olympics.

Terrorism expert Bruce Hoffman dates modern international terrorism to July 22, 1968, when the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) hijacked an Israeli El Al flight traveling from Rome to Tel Aviv. From 1968 through 1976, Palestinian groups would hijack 16 airplanes, and also attack other aviation targets such as El Al offices. Hijacking was not new, but most hijackers had simply sought to divert a plane to Cuba or another desired location. This time the hijackers sought to trade the passengers for Palestinian terrorists imprisoned in Israel and proclaimed that a civilian jet was a legitimate target because it was a symbol of the Israeli state. This combination of extra-territoriality and claims that civilian targets are legitimate because they are symbolic would spread, leading to more and more Palestinian hijackings and increasingly becoming the norm among terrorist groups. Global targeting would also spread beyond hijacking. Most dramatically, in 1972 the Black September Organization, a front for Yasser Arafat’s Fatah, killed eleven Israeli athletes and a German policeman at the Munich Olympics, capturing the attention of the world media that had gathered for the games.

This shift to international terrorism flowed directly from the profound changes wrought by the 1967 war. Before 1967, many Palestinians assumed they would gain their own state on the backs of Arab armies. Arab states, after all, had warred with Israel in 1948 and 1956, and their leaders promised deliverance for their Arab brothers. The crushing Israeli victory dispelled that illusion and made Arab leaders cautious about confronting Israel, fearing another devastating loss. In addition, the war damaged the prestige of Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser and his pan-Arab agenda. Abu Iyad, Arafat’s chief lieutenant who would go on to run the Black September Organization, recalled: “Nasser had surrendered! Who could ever have imagined such a thing?” If the Palestinians were to gain deliverance, they would have to deliver it themselves.

In a major shift, the Six-Day War also gave Israel control over the West Bank and Gaza Strip. After 1948, roughly one million Palestinians remained in Israel, but they were a leaderless minority. Now Israel ruled over large Palestinian-populated areas, occupying them militarily. Yasser Arafat sought to emulate the successful Algeria revolt, where guerrillas eventually drove out the French after more than one hundred years of colonization—a model for many revolutionary movements at the time. Israel, however, quickly suppressed an attempted Palestinian rebellion on the West Bank and, in the years that followed, crushed resistance in Gaza. Abu Iyad later concluded that his own organization’s carelessness and the skill of Israel’s intelligence services was too much.

The Palestinians also continued cross-border attacks, often using bases in Jordan to strike into Israel. At first these attacks and the Israeli response won Palestinian movements like Arafat’s Fatah plaudits among young Arabs, as they appeared to be the only group effectively fighting Israel after the 1967 humiliation. But as Israeli defenses improved, world media paid less and less attention to the low-level back and forth between Israel and the Palestinians. The number of cross-border operations peaked at almost 1,500 in 1968 but plummeted to less than 200 by 1972. Israel also hit Jordan itself hard in order to press the government to crack down on the Palestinian presence. These efforts precipitated a bloody crackdown, which the Palestinians referred to as “Black September,” in which an estimated 2,000 Palestinians died and thousands were expelled by the Jordanian regime, leading to mass influxes to Lebanon, with eventual dire consequences for that country.

Inside the Plo: Covert Units, Secrets Funds, and the War Against Israel and the United States

https://www.amazon.com/Inside-Plo-Covert-Secrets-Against/dp/0688093353

Why not take inspiration from this easy to do dish, an all time favourite in most homes in Jenin, cooks in about 2 hours and serves 4/6 people..

Layered chicken, rice and cauliflower one-pot dish

INGREDIENTS

1.5 teaspoon (tsp) of ground turmeric
1 tsp of ground ginger
1 tsp of ground cinnamon
1 tsp of ground allspice
1 tsp of ground cumin
1 tsp of ground coriander
½ tsp of cardamom
½ tsp of ground cloves
½ tsp of black pepper
1 medium sized onion
Vegetable oil (corn or sunflower)
1 kg of chicken (1 whole chicken cut up in pieces or 6 to 8 large pieces on the bone - legs, thighs and/or breasts)
2.5 tsp of salt
3 to 4 bay leaves
1 cauliflower
2 large carrots
1 large potato

450 gr of rice (medium grain rice is best but long grain is fine too)
Optional: a handful of pine nuts and some chopped parsley
for serving: yogurt, cucumbers and tomatoes

STEPS

First mix all the ground spices (bar the salt) in a bowl and set aside.
The next step is to prepare the chicken broth. Roughly chop the onion, heat two tablespoons of vegetable oil in a large saucepan or casserole dish and fry the onion on medium heat for about 5 minutes. If you went for a whole chicken, cut it up into pieces. You can remove the skin off the chicken prior to frying it if you prefer. Add the chicken to the saucepan and fry evenly on each side for about 5 minutes. When the chicken has some colour, pour about 1.3 litre of water in the pan, ensuring the chicken is completely covered. Throw in 3 to 4 bay leaves, 1 heaped teaspoon of salt and 1 heaped tablespoon of the spice mix, bring to boil then cover with the lid and let it simmer on medium heat for 45 minutes. As it cooks, some foam might form at the surface of the water. It’s best to remove this with a spoon so keep checking as it boils.

While the chicken is cooking, get the vegetables ready. Peel the carrots and the potato and cut into slices of about 1cm. Chop the cauliflower into big chunks and wash. In a frying pan, heat a generous quantity of vegetable oil - about 0.5cm to 1cm deep. Fry all the vegetables in small batches until golden brown on each side. Use paper towel to soak up the oil.
Thoroughly rinse the rice under running water to remove the starch. Some types of rice might need to soak in water in advance so check the instructions on the pack.
Once your chicken is cooked, take the pieces out of the broth and put aside. Pour the broth through a sieve into a separate bowl so you keep only the liquid, which you’ll use to cook the maqluba.

You can now assemble the maqluba. In the same saucepan used to make the broth, lay down the chicken, then the vegetables and finally spread the rice over the vegetables to make three even layers. Sprinkle some more of the spice mix over the rice (a small tablespoon) plus 1.5 heaped teaspoon of salt. Now pour the broth in the pan until it reaches the same level as the rice or 0.5 cm above it (you'll need about 700/800ml of broth). Place a small plate on the rice - this will keep it all in place as it cooks. Don’t mix the ingredients. Bring to boil, then cover and let it simmer on medium heat for about 20 minutes or until there is absolutely no liquid left. Keep an eye on it to make sure it doesn't burn - once there is no water left, take it off the heat and leave to rest for 10/15 minutes with the lid on.

The final step is to flip the dish upside down. Open the pan and remove the small plate. Put a large tray or plate over the pan, hold it tight and flip it over so the maqluba transfers to the tray or plate. Your maqluba is ready!
Note that many people tend to sprinkle a handful of pinenuts (which you can quickly roast in a small frying pan) and parsley over the maqluba when it's ready.

More recent..

Anti-Semitism is on the rise at college campuses. From January to June 2016, 287 anti-Semitic incidents occurred on 64 campuses, an increase of 45% since the year before. Unfortunately, Stanford is no exception to this ugly trend. In Spring 2016, during an ASSU meeting, Senator Gabriel Knight spoke of “Jews controlling the media, economy, government and other societal institutions.” Disgusting centuries-old stereotypes have entered discourse at the Farm.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is, and will always be, divisive. Stanford students should have the right to express their opinions on either side of the issue. But one thing is clear: no student group should receive support from, or be linked to terrorism or violent actors. Support for physical aggression is unacceptable.

So Stanford should be horrified by recent revelations that chapters of the national organization Students for Justice in Palestine are coordinating with an affiliate of Hamas.

Last year, congressional testimony revealed SJP’s strong ties to American Muslims for Palestine (AMP). Several members of AMP were formerly members of the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), which was dissolved after it was discovered in 2005 that the organization sent $12.4 million to Hamas. Following the dissolution of the HLF, several of the HLF’s Hamas financiers moved to AMP, which was founded in 2005.

As they have taken new positions with AMP, the Hamas-linked former members of the HLF have maintained their terrorist ties: a number of terrorist-affiliated individuals and entities appear on the AMP’s donor list. AMP is thus essentially operating as a Hamas front group here in the United States.

Alarmingly, AMP is also active on campuses throughout our country. AMP is a major source of funding and support for SJP: in 2014, it put $100,000 into campus efforts, and it routinely provides SJP with speakers, training, funds, and printed materials. Moreover, the testimony revealed that AMP “even has a campus coordinator on staff whose job it is to work directly with SJP and other pro-BDS groups across the country.” SJP’s close association with AMP, whose members are tied to terrorists, is sickening.

By collaborating with such an organization, SJP has essentially become another front group for Hamas, aiding its legitimacy by receiving funds and support from its affiliate, AMP. The BDS movement that SJP represents is, in the words of Jerusalem Post columnist Caroline Glick, “part and parcel of the jihadist war against Israel whose goal is its annihilation.”

Hamas is evil, pure and simple. They are a genocidal terrorist organization that launches rockets into Israel, targets Israeli civilians through bombings, uses Palestinian civilians as human shields, and inspires Palestinians to kidnap and stab Israelis. They threaten the basic peace, safety, and well-being of Israelis and Palestinians alike.

It is incontrovertible that Stanford students should not fund the acts of terrorists and war criminals. Stanford’s SJP receives ASSU standard grants, meaning that students’ tuition dollars may be funding a group with terrorist ties. That possibility is intolerable.

Congressional testimony has shown that SJP groups on campuses across our country have demonstrable ties to AMP, and therefore, to Hamas. The ASSU must take serious steps to investigate the full extent of SJP’s sources of external support. Until that day, Stanford should not let Students for Justice in Palestine operate on our campus, use our buildings, or spend our students’ money.

The Review reached out to Stanford Students for Justice in Palestine, asking if they were willing to disclose their external funding sources, including American Muslims for Palestine. Stanford Students for Justice in Palestine have yet to comment.

because fluff, more than facts, seems to be more important...

Palestinian children are encouraged to strap explosives to their bodies and kill themselves for the movement...but let's talk about recipes...



Israeli Tomato and Cucumber Salad

Ingredients
Salad:
4 English cucumbers, diced
4 Roma (plum) tomatoes, seeded and diced
1/2 purple onion, diced
1 red bell pepper, seeded and diced
2 tablespoons chopped garlic
1 cup chopped fresh parsley
3 tablespoons chopped fresh mint

Dressing:
1/2 cup olive oil
2 tablespoons fresh lemon juice
1 tablespoon kosher salt
1 tablespoon ground black pepper
Directions
Toss cucumbers, tomatoes, onion, bell pepper, garlic, parsley, and mint together in a bowl. Drizzle olive oil and lemon juice over the salad and toss to coat; season with salt and pepper.


Now enjoy the hypocrisy as he points and jeers since there is nothing factual to offer...

Well it is lunch time in some places..

Where's the proof of this? Oh that's right, you have it all from very reliable sources of course..

When and where have these child suicide bombers manifested themselves?

There are many things about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that the media focuses on, and almost all are bad about Israel. However, a few things that really should be focused on tend to be swept under the rug and ignored. Now, however, a new advocacy campaign intends to spotlight one of those things: Palestinian child soldiers.

This new campaign attempts to expose the plight of Palestinian children, who are often used as emotional and physical leverage, and even as vessels through which to fight the IDF.

Over 30 Palestinian children and teens were enlisted in stabbing attacks against Israelis from 2015-2016; 29 Palestinian children have been successfully used as suicide bombers (with a few dozen more attempts being thwarted); and over 17,000 Palestinian children were recruited into Hamas child militia programs in 2019.

Palestinian children are encouraged to be the main force throwing rocks and other objects at Israeli soldiers, and to stand in front during protests that very often turn violent. More horrible still, the average pay that a child (or their family guardian) receives for such work is only $83.

Utilizing children as human shields and as bomb carriers is unethical and abhorrent, and yet this issue is rarely talked about or brought up, except in the effort to demonize Israel.

The world watched as Ahed Tamimi was released from detainment, but very few news sources questioned why she was there in the first place. Very few blinked when it was discovered that UNWRA had approved textbooks that included rampant incitement, blood libels, and blatant propaganda for use in schools in Gaza, the Palestinian territories, and even East Jerusalem. And the many Palestinian children’s television programs that call for violence against Jews and spread propaganda continue to be aired with little scrutiny.

It’s time to expose these horrible practices, and educate the public about the real situation in Israel.

The hope is that if this issue is brought wholly into the public discourse, real change can be enacted, and more Palestinian children can be saved from their horrible fates. For if we all truly do care about the plight of Palestinian children, we’ll call out the abuse that their own government forces upon them and try to change their situation for the better.

McKenna Bates is a CAMERA Fellow at George Mason University.