Unlike religiously based terrorists, militia anxiety and paranoia

specifically relating to the year 2000 are based mainly on a political

ideology. Some militia members read significance into 2000 as it

relates to their conception of the NWO conspiracy.14 The NWO conspiracy

theory holds that the United Nations (UN) will lead a military coup

against the nations of the world to form a socialist or One World

Government. UN troops, consisting mostly of foreign armies, will

commence a military takeover of America. The UN will mainly use foreign

troops on American soil because foreigners will have fewer reservations

about killing American citizens. U.S. armed forces will not attempt to

stop this invasion by UN troops and, in fact, the U.S. military may be

"deputized" as a branch of the UN armed forces. The American military

contingent overseas will also play a large part in this elaborate

conspiracy theory, as they will be used to help conquer the rest of the

world. The rationale for this part of the theory is that American

soldiers will also have less qualms about killing foreigners, as

opposed to killing their own citizens.



Under this hypothetical NWO/One World Government, the following events

are to take place: 1) private property rights and private gun ownership

will be abolished; 2) all national, state and local elections will

become meaningless, since they will be controlled by the UN; 3) the U.S.

Constitution will be supplanted by the UN charter; 4) only approved

churches and other places of worship will be permitted to operate and

will become appendages of the One World Religion, which will be the only

legitimate doctrine of religious beliefs and ethical values; 5) home

schooling will be outlawed and all school curriculum will need to be

approved by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization (UNESCO); and 6) American military bases and other federal

facilities will be used as concentration camps by the UN to confine

those patriots, including the militias, who defy the NWO. Other groups

beside the UN that are often mentioned as being part of the NWO

conspiracy theory are Jews, Communists, the Council on Foreign

Relations, the Bilderbergers and the Trilateral Commission. Law

enforcement officials will probably notice different versions of this

theory, depending upon the source.



The NWO conspiracy theory is particularly relevant to the millennium

because the year 2000 is considered to be a triggering device for the

NWO due to the element of computer breakdown. Many computers around the

world are based on a numerical system in which the year is only

registered by the last two digits. A number of militia members accept

the theory that on January 1, 2000, many computers will misinterpret

this date as January 1, 1900, and malfunction and/or shut down

completely. They further believe that these major computer malfunctions

will cause widespread chaos at all levels of society economic, social

and political.



This chaos will theoretically create a situation in which American

civilization will collapse, which will then produce an environment that

the UN will exploit to forcibly take over the United States. Therefore,

these militia members (as well as other groups) believe that the year

2000 will be the catalyst for the NWO.





15 James P. Wickstrom, "Intelligence Update," October 1998, accessed at

www.posse~comitatus.org. 16 See Fall 1998 edition of the Southern

Poverty Law Center's Intelligence Report, "Millennium Y2KAOS." 17

William Pierce, "The Millennium Bug and 'Mainstreaming' the News,"

accessed at www.natvan.com.





















12



According to James Wickstrom, former leader of the defunct Posse

Comitatus and "Minister" of the True Church of Israel, anyone who holds

any powerful political influence knows that the Y2K crisis may be the

final fuse that will lead to the NWO that "David Rockefeller and the

rest of his satanic jew seedline desire to usher in upon the earth."15

He claims that Jews have conspired to create the Y2K problem and that

the prospect of impending computer failure is very real. Similarly, The

New American, an organ of the ultraconservative John Birch Society,

speculates that the Y2K bug could be America's Reichstag fire, a

reference to the 1933 arson attack on Germany's Parliament building that

was used by Hitler as an excuse to enact police state laws. Similar to

this train of thought, Norm Olson, leader of the Northern Michigan

Regional Militia, believes constitutional rights probably will be

suspended before the real crisis hits. He states: "It will be the worst

time for humanity since the Noahic flood."16



However, there are some extremists who do not attach any major

significance to the Y2K problem. In his article, "The Millennium Bug and

'Mainstreaming' the News," William Pierce of the National Alliance

tells his followers not to worry, or at least, not to worry very much

about the Y2K issue. Pierce predicts that the main event that will occur

on New Year's Day 2000 is that crazed millennialists will go "berserk

when the Second Coming fails to occur." Also, "a few right-wing nuts may

launch a premature attack on the government, figuring that without its

computers the government won't be able to fight back." Pierce claims

that the lights will remain on, and that airplanes will not fall from

the sky. He says that he is able to make such a prediction with some

degree of confidence because, "contrary to what some cranks would have

you believe, the computer professionals and the government have been

working on the Y2K problem for some time."17





Gun Control Laws



The passage of the Brady Bill and assault weapons ban in 1994 were

interpreted by those in the militia movement and among the right-wing as

the first steps towards disarming citizens in preparation for the

UN-led NWO takeover. Some are convinced that the registration of gun

owners is in preparation for a confiscation of firearms and eventually

the arrest of the gun owners themselves. An article by Larry Pratt,

Executive Director for Gun Owners of America, interprets a 1995 UN study

of small arms, done reportedly in cooperation with U.S. police, customs

and military services, as part of the UN's plan to take over the U.S.

Pratt goes on to say that the "UN is increasingly assuming the

jurisdictional authority of a federal world government with the U.S. as

just one of scores of member states. And gun control meaning civilian

disarmament is high up on the agenda of the UN."18 Speculation like

this only serves to fuel the already existing paranoia of militia and

patriot groups.







18 Larry Pratt, "The United Nations: Pressing for U.S. Gun Control,"

accessed at www.gunowners.org

























13











The right-wing believes that many of the restrictions being placed on

the ownership of firearms today mirror events in The Turner Diaries. In

his book, Pierce writes about the United States government banning the

private possession of firearms and staging gun raids in an effort to

arrest gun owners. The book discusses the government/police use of black

men, assigned as "special deputies" to carry out the gun raids. Many

members of the right-wing movement view the book as prophetic, believing

that it is only a matter of time before these events occur in real life.





In the aftermath of the school shootings in Littleton, Colorado,

President Clinton, Congress, and Attorney General Reno acted swiftly to

propose new laws aimed at restricting the sales of guns to juveniles

and to close loopholes in existing laws. In May 1999, the Senate passed

a bill to ban the importation of high capacity ammunition magazines and

require background checks for guns sold at gun shows. In light of the

enormous importance and prominent role that extremist groups place on

the Second Amendment, it is probable that recent government actions

aimed at controlling guns are perceived to be compelling signs of the

UN-led NWO takeover.













19 There were 12 tribes of Israel but they were divided into two

different kingdoms after the death of King Solomon. The northern kingdom

was called "Israel" and consisted of ten tribes and the southern

kingdom was called "Judah" and was comprised of two tribes. There is a

record of the two tribes making up the southern kingdom, but the ten

northern tribes were "lost" after they were conquered around 722 BC by

the Assyrians. 20 Jeffrey Kaplan, Radical Religion in America (Syracuse,

N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1997), p. 47-48. 21 Michael Barkun,

Religion and the Racist Right (Chapel Hill, N.C.: The University of

North Carolina Press, 1997), p. 60.











































14



III. CHRISTIAN IDENTITY



Christian Identity is an ideology which asserts that the white Aryan

race is God's chosen race and that whites comprise the ten lost tribes

of Israel.19 There is no single document that expresses this belief

system. Adherents refer to the Bible to justify their racist ideals.

Interpreting the Book of Genesis, Christian Identity followers assert

that Adam was preceded by other, lesser races, identified as "the

beasts of the field" (Gen. 1:25). Eve was seduced by the snake (Satan)

and gave birth to two seed lines: Cain, the direct descendent of Satan

and Eve, and Able, who was of good Aryan stock through Adam. Cain then

became the progenitor of the Jews in his subsequent matings with the

non-Adamic races. Christian Identity adherents believe the Jews are

predisposed to carry on a conspiracy against the Adamic seed line and

today have achieved almost complete control of the earth.20 This is

referred to as the two-seedline doctrine, which provides Christian

Identity followers with a biblical justification for hatred.



The roots of the Christian Identity movement can be traced back to

British-Israelism, the conviction that the British are the lineal

descendants of the "ten lost tribes" of Israel. It is a belief that

existed for some time before it became a movement in the second half of

the 19th century.



The writings of John Wilson helped to extend the idea of

British-Israelism to Anglo-Israelism, which included other Teutonic

peoples mostly northern European peoples from Germany, Italy, France

and Switzerland. British- Israelism was brought to America in the early

part of the 1920s, where it remained decentralized until the 1930s. At

that time, the movement underwent the final transformation to become

what we know as Christian Identity, at which time its ties to the

original English movement were cut and it became distinctly American.



Wesley Swift is considered the single most significant figure in the

early years of the Christian Identity movement in the United States. He

popularized it in the right-wing by "combining British-Israelism, a

demonic anti- Semitism, and political extremism."21 He founded his own

church in California in the mid 1940s where he could preach this

ideology. In addition, he had a daily radio broadcast in California

during the 1950s and 60s, through which he was able to proclaim his

ideology to a large audience. With Swift's efforts, the message of his

church spread, leading to the creation of similar churches throughout

the country. In 1957, the name of his church was changed to The Church

of Jesus Christ Christian, which is used today by Aryan Nations (AN)

churches. 15



One of Swift's associates, William Potter Gale, was far more militant

than Swift and brought a new element to Christian Identity churches. He

became a leading figure in the anti-tax and paramilitary movements of

the 1970s and 80s. There are numerous Christian Identity churches that

preach similar messages and some espouse more violent rhetoric than

others, but all hold fast to the belief that Aryans are God's chosen

race.



Christian Identity also believes in the inevitability of the end of the

world and the Second Coming of Christ. It is believed that these events

are part of a cleansing process that is needed before Christ's kingdom

can be established on earth. During this time, Jews and their allies

will attempt to destroy the white race using any means available. The

result will be a violent and bloody struggle a war, in effect

between God's forces, the white race, and the forces of evil, the Jews

and nonwhites. Significantly, many adherents believe that this will be

tied into the coming of the new millennium.

When Does the New Millennium Begin?



As the nation and the world prepare to celebrate the arrival of the new

millennium, a debate has arisen as to the correct date for its

beginning. Although the true starting point of the next millennium is

January 1, 2001, as established by the U.S. Naval Observatory in

Washington, D.C., our nation's official time keeper, many will celebrate

January 1, 2000, as the start of the millennium. The majority of

domestic terrorists, like the general public, place a greater

significance on January 1, 2000.







Blueprint for Action: The Turner Diaries



5 Charles Bosworth Jr., "Illinois Man Sought Start of Race War," St.

Louis Post-Dispatch, March 15, 1998. 6 Paul Duggan, "From Beloved Son to

Murder Suspect," The Washington Post, February 16, 1999.















8



Many right-wing extremists are inspired by The Turner Diaries, a book

written by William Pierce (under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald), the

leader of the white supremacist group National Alliance. The book

details a violent overthrow of the federal government by white

supremacists and also describes a brutal race war that is to take place

simultaneously. To date, several groups or individuals have been

inspired by this book:



At the time of his arrest, Timothy McVeigh, the man

responsible for the Oklahoma City bombing, had a copy of The Turner

Diaries in his possession. McVeigh's action against the Murrah Federal

Building was strikingly similar to an event described in the book where

the fictional terrorist group blows up FBI Headquarters.



The Order, an early 1980s terrorist cell involved in murder,

robberies, and counterfeiting, was motivated by the book's scenarios for

a race war. The group murdered Alan Berg, a Jewish talk show host, and

engaged in other acts of violence in order to hasten the race war

described in the book. The Order's efforts later inspired another group,

The New Order, which planned to commit similar crimes in an effort to

start a race war that would lead to a violent revolution.5



Most recently, The Turner Diaries provided inspiration to

John William King, the man convicted for dragging a black man to his

death in Jasper, Texas. As King shackled James Byrd's legs to the back

of his truck he was reported to say, "We're going to start the Turner

Diaries early."6



During the year 2000 and beyond, The Turner Diaries will be an

inspiration for right-wing terrorist groups to act because it outlines

both a revolutionary takeover of the government and a race war. These

elements of the book appeal to a majority of right-wing extremists

because it is their belief that one or both events will coincide with

Y2K.



Interpretations of the Bible



Religiously based domestic terrorists use the New Testament's Book of

Revelation the prophecy of the endtime for the foundation of their

belief in the Apocalypse. Religious extremists interpret the symbolism

portrayed in the Book of Revelation and mold it to predict that the

endtime is now and that the Apocalypse is near. To understand many

religious extremists, it is crucial to know the origin of the Book of

Revelation and the meanings of its words, numbers and characters.



7 While he never claimed to be the book's author, the Apostle John was

identified as such by several of the early church Fathers. Authorship

is generally ascribed to him today. 8 This interpretation of the Book of

Revelation is according to the Catholic Bible and a Catholic scholar

that was consulted on the matter. However, there are other varying

interpretations of the Book of Revelation within Christianity. 9 All

symbolism was taken from The Catholic Bible; New American Bible



























9



The Book of Revelation was written by a man named "John" who was exiled

by the Roman government to a penal colony the island of Patmos

because of his beliefs in Christ.7



While on the island, he experienced a series of visions, described in

the Book of Revelation. The writing in the Book of Revelation is

addressed to churches who were at the time experiencing or were

threatened by persecution from Rome because they were not following the

government. For this reason, some believe the Book of Revelation was

written in code language, much of which was taken from other parts of

the Bible.



One interpretation describing the essence of the message contained in

Revelation is that God will overcome Christianity's enemies (Roman

Government/Satan) and that the persecuted communities should

persevere.8 For right-wing groups who believe they are being persecuted

by the satanic government of the United States, the Book of Revelation's

message fits perfectly into their world view. This world view, in

combination with a literal interpretation of the Book of Revelation, is

reflected in extremist ideology, violent acts, and literature. For this

reason, it is imperative to know the meaning of some of the "code

words" frequently used:



Four (4) signifies the world. Six (6) signifies imperfection.

Seven (7) is the totality of perfection or fullness and completeness.

Twelve (12) represents the twelve tribes of Israel or the 12 apostles.

One-thousand (1000) signifies immensity. The color white symbolizes

power and can also represent victory, joy and resurrection. The color

red symbolizes a bloody war. The color black symbolizes famine. A rider

on a pale green horse is a symbol of Death itself. "Babylon" is the

satanic Roman Government, now used to describe the U.S. government.9





Black Hebrew Israelites, a black supremacist group, typify the use of

numerology from the Book of Revelation. They believe group members will

comprise the 144,000 people who are saved by God in the second coming

that is outlined in Revelation (7:1-17). In the Book of Revelation, John

is shown a vision of 144,000 martyrs who have survived and did not

submit to Satan. This number is derived from the assertion that the

twelve tribes of Israel consisted of 12,000 people each.





10 Kerry Noble, Tabernacle of Hate: Why they Bombed Oklahoma City (

Prescott, Ontario, Canada: Voyageur Publishing, 1998). 11 Robert Draper,

"Happy Doomsday," Texas Monthly, July 1997, p.74; Evan Moore, "A House

Divided: Tensions divide Abilene-area cult," The Houston Chronicle,

March 24, 1996. 12 Evan Moore, "A House Divided: Tensions divide

Abilene-area cult," The Houston Chronicle, March 24, 1996. 13 John K.

Wiley, "Profile of attack suspect is familiar and frightening," The

Miami Herald, August 12, 1999.























10



Groups not only use the Bible to interpret the endtimes, but use it to

justify their ideology. Phineas Priests, an amorphous group of Christian

Identity adherents, base their entire ideology on Chapter 25 of the

Book of Numbers. The passage depicts a scene where Phineas kills an

Israelite who was having relations with a Midianite woman and God then

granted Phineas and all of his descendants a pledge of everlasting

priesthood. Modern day followers of the Phineas Priest ideology believe

themselves to be the linear descendants of Phineas and this passage

gives them biblical justification to punish those who transgress God's

laws. Therefore, the group is ardently opposed to race mixing and

strongly believes in racial separation. The number 25 is often used as

a symbol of the group.



Apocalyptic Religious Beliefs



To understand the mind set of why religious extremists would actively

seek to engage in violent confrontations with law enforcement, the most

common extremist ideologies must be understood. Under these ideologies,

many extremists view themselves as religious martyrs who have a duty to

initiate or take part in the coming battles against Satan. Domestic

terrorist groups who place religious significance on the millennium

believe the federal government will act as an arm of Satan in the final

battle. By extension, the FBI is viewed as acting on Satan's behalf.



The philosophy behind targeting the federal government or entities

perceived to be associated with it is succinctly described by Kerry

Noble, a former right-wing extremist. He says the right-wing

"envision[s] a dark and gloomy endtime scenario, where some Antichrist

makes war against Christians."10 The House of Yahweh, a Texas based

religious group whose leaders are former members of the tax protesting

Posse Comitatus, is typical: Hawkins (the leader) has interpreted

biblical scripture that the Israeli Peace Accord signed on October 13,

1993, has started a 7-year period of tribulation which will end on

October 14, 2000, with the return of the Yeshua (the Messiah).11 He also

has interpreted that the FBI will be the downfall of the House of

Yahweh and that the Waco Branch Davidian raids in 1993 were a warning to

The House of Yahweh from the federal government, which he terms "the

beast."12 Similarly, Richard Butler, leader of the white supremacist

group Aryan Nations, said the following when asked what might have

motivated the day care shooting by Buford O. Furrow, Jr., one of his

group's followers:



"There's a war against the white race. There's a war of extermination

against the white male."13



The New World Order Conspiracy Theory and the Year 2000 Computer Bug



14 Use of this term within militia circles became more common after

President Bush starting using it to refer to the state of world affairs

after the collapse of the USSR at the end of the Cold War and in the

context of using international organizations to assist in governing

international relations. The term One World Government is also used as a

synonym for the New World Order

Declassified

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION



PROJECT MEGIDDO







The attached analysis, entitled PROJECT MEGIDDO, is an FBI strategic

assessment of the potential for domestic terrorism in the United States

undertaken in anticipation of or response to the arrival of the new

millennium.

For over four thousand years, MEGIDDO, a hill in northern

Israel, has been the site of many battles. Ancient cities were

established there to serve as a fortress on the plain of Jezreel to

guard a mountain pass. As Megiddo was built and rebuilt, one city upon

the other, a mound or hill was formed. The Hebrew word "Armageddon"

means "hill of Megiddo." In English, the word has come to represent

battle itself.



The last book in the New Testament of the Bible designates Armageddon

as the assembly point in the apocalyptic setting of God's final and

conclusive battle against evil. The name "Megiddo" is an apt title for

a project that analyzes those who believe the year 2000 will usher in

the end of the world and who are willing to perpetrate acts of violence

to bring that end about.



I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY



The year 2000 is being discussed and debated at all levels of society.

Most of the discussions regarding this issue revolve around the topic of

technology and our society's overwhelming dependence on the multitude

of computers and computer chips which make our world run smoothly.

However, the upcoming millennium also holds important implications

beyond the issue of computer technology. Many extremist individuals and

groups place some significance on the next millennium, and as such it

will present challenges to law enforcement at many levels. The

significance is based primarily upon either religious beliefs relating

to the Apocalypse or political beliefs relating to the New World Order

(NWO) conspiracy theory. The challenge is how well law enforcement will

prepare and respond.



The following report, entitled "Project Megiddo," is intended to

analyze the potential for extremist criminal activity in the United

States by individuals or domestic extremist groups who profess an

apocalyptic view of the millennium or attach special significance to the

year 2000. The purpose behind this assessment is to provide law

enforcement agencies with a clear picture of potential extremism

motivated by the next millennium. The report does not contain

information on domestic terrorist groups whose actions are not

influenced by the year 2000.



There are numerous difficulties involved in providing a thorough

analysis of domestic security threats catalyzed by the new millennium.

Quite simply, the very nature of the current domestic terrorism threat

places severe limitations on effective intelligence gathering and

evaluation. Ideological and philosophical belief systems which attach

importance, and possibly violence, to the millennium have been

well-articulated. From a law enforcement perspective, the problem

therefore is not a lack of understanding of motivating ideologies: The

fundamental problem is that the traditional focal point for counter

terrorism analysis the terrorist group is not always well- defined

or relevant in the current environment.



The general trend in domestic extremism is the terrorist's disavowal of

traditional, hierarchical, and structured terrorist organizations. Even

well-established militias, which tend to organize along military lines

with central control, are characterized by factionalism and disunity. 4



While several "professional" terrorist groups still exist and present a

continued threat to domestic security, the overwhelming majority of

extremist groups in the United States have adopted a fragmented,

leaderless structure where individuals or small groups act with

autonomy. Clearly, the worst act of domestic terrorism in United States

history was perpetrated by merely two individuals: Timothy McVeigh and

Terry Nichols. In many cases, extremists of this sort are extremely

difficult to identify until after an incident has occurred. Thus,

analysis of domestic extremism in which the group serves as the focal

point of evaluation has obvious limitations.



The Project Megiddo intelligence initiative has identified very few

indications of specific threats to domestic security. Given the present

nature of domestic extremism, this is to be expected. However, this is

a function of the limitations of the group-oriented model of counter

terrorism analysis and should not be taken necessarily as reflective of

a minor or trivial domestic threat. Without question, this initiative

has revealed indicators of potential violent activity on the part of

extremists in this country. Militias, adherents of racist belief

systems such as Christian Identity and Odinism, and other radical

domestic extremists are clearly focusing on the millennium as a time of

action. Certain individuals from these various perspectives are

acquiring weapons, storing food and clothing, raising funds through

fraudulent means, procuring safe houses, preparing compounds, surveying

potential targets, and recruiting new converts.



These and other indicators are not taking place in a vacuum, nor are

they random or arbitrary. In the final analysis, while making specific

predictions is extremely difficult, acts of violence in commemoration

of the millennium are just as likely to occur as not. In the absence of

intelligence that the more established and organized terrorist groups

are planning millennial violence as an organizational strategy,

violence is most likely to be perpetrated by radical fringe members of

established groups. For example, while Aryan Nations leader Richard

Butler publicly frowns on proactive violence, adherents of his religion

or individual members of his organization may commit acts of violence

autonomously.



Potential cult-related violence presents additional challenges to law

enforcement. The potential for violence on behalf of members of

biblically-driven cults is determined almost exclusively by the whims

of the cult leader. Therefore, effective intelligence and analysis of

such cults requires an extensive understanding of the cult leader. Cult

members generally act to serve and please the cult leader rather than

accomplish an ideological objective. Almost universally, cult leaders

are viewed as messianic in the eyes of their followers. Also, the cult

leader's prophecies, preaching's, orders, and objectives are subject to

indiscriminate change. Thus, while analysis of publicly stated goals and

objectives of cults may provide hints about their behavior and

intentions, it is just as likely to be uninformed or, at worst,

misleading. Much more valuable is a thorough examination of the cult

leader, his position of power over his followers, and an awareness of

the responding behavior and activity of the cult. Sudden changes in

activity for example, less time spent on "Bible study" and more time

spent on "physical training" indicate that the cult may be preparing

for some type of action.



The millennium holds special significance for many, and as this pivotal

point in time approaches, the impetus for the initiation of violence

becomes more acute.



1 U.S. Congress, Senate, Special Committee on the Year 2000 Technology

Problem, Investigating the Impact of the Year 2000 Problem, February 24,

1996, pp. 1-6. 2 Ibid, p. 3. 3 Ibid. p. 5.

















5





Several religiously motivated groups envision a quick, fiery ending in

an apocalyptic battle. Others may initiate a sustained campaign of

terrorism in the United States to prevent the NWO. Armed with the

urgency of the millennium as a motivating factor, new clandestine groups

may conceivably form to engage in violence toward the U.S. Government or

its citizens.



Most importantly, this analysis clearly shows that perceptions matter.

The perceptions of the leaders and followers of extremist organizations

will contribute much toward the ultimate course of action they choose.

For example, in-depth analysis of Y2K compliancy on the part of various

key sectors that rely on computers has determined that, despite a

generally positive outlook for overall compliance, there will be

problem industries and minor difficulties and inconveniences.1 If they

occur, these inconveniences are likely to cause varying responses by the

extreme fringes. Members of various militia groups, for example, have

identified potentially massive power failures as an indication of a

United Nations-directed NWO takeover. While experts have indicated that

only minor brownouts will occur, various militias are likely to

perceive such minor brownouts as indicative of a larger conspiracy.2



The Senate Special Committee on the Year 2000 Technology Problem has

stated that some state and local governments could be unprepared,

including the inability to provide benefits payments.3 This could have

a significant impact in major urban areas, resulting in the possibility

for civil unrest. Violent white supremacists are likely to view such

unrest as an affirmation of a racist, hate-filled world view. Likewise,

militia members who predict the implementation of martial law in

response to a Y2K computer failure would become all the more fearful.







4 Cliff Linedecker, Prophecies for the New Millennium (Lantana, FL:

Micromags, 1999), p. 3-4.























6



II. INTRODUCTION



Are we already living on the precipice of the Apocalypse the chaotic

final period of warfare between the forces of good and evil signaling

the second coming of Christ, as forecast in the New Testament's Book of

Revelation? Or, will life on earth continue for another 1,000 years,

allowing humans to eliminate disease and solve the mysteries of the

aging process so they can live as long as Methuselah, colonize space,

commune with extraterrestrials, unravel the secrets of teleportation,

and usher in a golden age of peace and productivity? 4



At first glance, some of the predictions compiled in Prophecies for the

New Millennium that claim to foretell how the millennium will affect the

United States seem benign. In fact, those predictions capture some of

the countless ways that domestic terrorists view how the millennium will

affect the world. The threat posed by extremists as a result of

perceived events associated with the Year 2000 (Y2K) is very real.



Numerous religious extremists claim that a race war will soon begin,

and have taken steps to become martyrs in their predicted battle between

good and evil. Three recent incidents committed by suspects who adhere

to ideologies that emphasize millennial related violence illustrate

those beliefs: Buford O. Furrow, Jr., the man charged in the August 1999

shootings at a Los Angeles area Jewish day care center, told

authorities "its time for America to wake and kill the jews"; Ben Smith,

who committed suicide after shooting at minorities in Indiana and

Illinois, killing two and injuring ten, over the July 4, 1999 weekend,

was found to have literature in his home that indicated the year 2000

would be the start of the killing of minorities; and John William King,

the man convicted in the dragging death of James Byrd, Jr., a black man

in Jasper, Texas, believed that his actions would help to initiate a

race war. Each of these men believed in the imminence of a racial holy

war.



Meanwhile, for members of the militia movement the new millennium has a

political overtone rather than a religious one. It is their belief that

the United Nations has created a secret plan, known as the New World

Order (NWO), to conquer the world beginning in 2000. The NWO will be set

in motion by the Y2K computer crisis.



Religious motivation and the NWO conspiracy theory are the two driving

forces behind the potential for millennial violence. As the end of the

millennium draws near, biblical prophecy and political philosophy may

merge into acts of violence by the more extreme members of domestic

terrorist groups that are motivated, in part, by religion. The volatile

mix of apocalyptic religions and NWO conspiracy theories may produce

violent acts aimed at precipitating the end of the world as prophesied

in the Bible.



When and how Christ's second coming will occur is a critical point in

the ideology of those motivated by extremist religious beliefs about the

millennium. There is no consensus within Christianity regarding the

specific date that the Apocalypse will occur.

























7



However, within many right-wing religious groups there is a uniform

belief that the Apocalypse is approaching. Some of these same groups

also point to a variety of non-religious indicators such as gun

control, the Y2K computer problem, the NWO, the banking system, and a

host of other "signs" that the Apocalypse is near. Almost uniformly, the

belief among right-wing religious extremists is that the federal

government is an arm of Satan. Therefore, the millennium will bring

about a battle between Christian martyrs and the government. At the

core of this volatile mix is the belief of apocalyptic religions and

cults that the battle against Satan, as prophesied in the Book of

Revelation, will begin in 2000.



An example of the confrontational nature and belief system of

religiously motivated suspects illustrates the unique challenges that

law enforcement faces when dealing with a fatalist/martyr philosophy.

It also illustrates the domino effect that may occur after such a

confrontation. Gordon Kahl, an adherent to the anti- government/racist

Christian Identity religion, escaped after a 1983 shootout with police

that left two Deputy U.S. Marshals dead. He was later killed during a

subsequent shootout with the FBI and others that also left a county

sheriff dead.



In response to the killing of Kahl, Bob Mathews, a believer in the

racist Odinist ideology, founded The Order. After The Order committed

numerous crimes, its members were eventually tracked down. Mathews

escaped after engaging in a gun battle and later wrote, "Why are so many

men so eager to destroy their own kind for the benefit of the Jews and

the mongrels? I see three FBI agents hiding behind some trees . . . I

could have easily killed them . . . They look like good racial stock yet

all their talents are given to a government which is openly trying to

mongrelize the very race these agents are part of . . . I have been a

good soldier, a fearless warrior. I will die with honor and join my

brothers in [heaven]." Exemplifying his beliefs as a martyr, Mathews

later burned to death in an armed standoff with the FBI.



In light of the enormous amount of millennial rhetoric, the FBI sought

to analyze a number of variables that have the potential to spark

violent acts perpetrated by domestic terrorists. Religious beliefs, the

Y2K computer problem, and gun control laws all have the potential to

become catalysts for such terrorism. The following elements are

essential to understanding the phenomenon of domestic terrorism related

to the millennium:

Washington DC, May 3, 2007 - The National Security Archive and several
other public interest organizations argued yesterday, in an amicus
curiae brief filed in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals, that courts
should not simply defer to the government's assertion of the state
secrets privilege but rather must independently evaluate the claim that
a case must be dismissed to protect national security. In particular,
courts must determine whether the material at issue is actually secret,
whether it is necessary to the case, and whether the potential harm from
disclosure justifies dismissing the case.

Amici filed the brief in support of parties challenging the National
Security Agency's warrantless wiretapping program. The government is
appealing a ruling by Judge Vaughn Walker of the Northern District of
California last year denying the government's motion to dismiss on state
secrets grounds a case originally brought by various plaintiffs against
AT&T and other telecom companies for their alleged role in the
wiretapping. Amici argue that Judge Walker properly rejected the
government's invocation of the privilege after conducting an independent
assessment of the state secrets claim-including by reviewing classified
information in camera -- and finding that the program in question is
"hardly a secret." Hepting v. United States, 439 F. Supp. 2d 974, 994
(N.D. Cal. 2006).

National Security Archive general counsel Meredith Fuchs commented: "We
want judges to remember that they have an independent role in assessing
state secrets privilege claims. Important cases shouldn't be dismissed
lightly."

Even if a court were to determine that a case involved a real secret,
amici further argued, the court must weigh the potential harm from
disclosure against the public interest in permitting the case to
proceed: "The perilous shield of state secrecy should be given judicial
imprimatur only when a court balances the national security risks of
disclosure against the harm of closing the courthouse doors to allegedly
unconstitutional action." This approach is necessary to prevent the
government from using a state secrets claim to unilaterally remove
government activities from judicial scrutiny for improper reasons,
including to conceal constitutional violations.

Other amici on the brief include: the Project on Government Oversight
(POGO), the Project on Government Secrecy of the Federation of American
Scientists, Public Citizen, and the Rutherford Institute. Pro bono legal
assistance in the drafting of the brief was provided by members of the
National Litigation Project of the Allard K. Lowenstein International
Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School, including Jonathan M. Freiman
and four Yale Law School students, Edward Diskant, Nicole Hallett,
Daniel Noble, and Patrick Christopher Toomey.

S. Department of Defense
Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense (Public Affairs)
Contracts

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
FOR RELEASE AT No. 539-07
5 p.m. ET May 07, 2007

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

CONTRACTS

NAVY

L-3 Communications Titan Corp., Mount Laurel, N.J.; RBC, Inc.*,
Alexandria, Va.; Sabre Systems, Inc.*, Warminster, Pa.; Navmar Applied
Sciences Corp., Warminster, Pa.; Sabre Systems, Inc., Warminster, Pa.;
Navmar Applied Sciences Corp.*, Warminster, Pa.; and BAE Systems Applied
Technologies Inc., Rockville, Md. are each being awarded
cost-plus-fixed-fee modifications to previously awarded
indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity (IDIQ) contracts
(N00421-04-D-0080, N00421-04-D-0081, N00421-04-D-0082, N00421-04-D-0083
and N00421-04-D-0084, respectively) under a multiple award for the
development of sensor systems and equipment. These modifications, which
will increase the ceiling for each of the current IDIQ holders to
$200,000,000, are L-3 Communications Titan Corp. ($96,061,530), RBC,
Inc. ($111,019,202); Sabre Systems, Inc. ($117,193,273); Navmar Applied
Sciences Corp. ($113,240,514); and BAE Systems Applied Technologies,
Inc. ($117,922,154). Places and percentages of work will be determined
based on the successful offeror for each individual task order issued.
However, it is estimated that approximately 80 percent of the work for
task orders issued will be performed at contractor facilities and 20
percent at the Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division, Patuxent
River, Md. The five-year ordering period expires in April 2009. Contract
funds will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval
Air Systems Command Aircraft Division, Patuxent River, Md. is the
contracting activity.

Islands Mechanical Contractors, Inc.,* Jacksonville, Fla., is being
awarded a $16,577,967 firm-fixed price contract for design and
construction of a migrant operations complex at the U.S. Naval Base,
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The work includes providing packaged wastewater
treatment plants, showers, latrines, laundry facilities, site work,
utilities, administrative facilities, fencing, and warehouse facility.
Work will be performed at the U.S. Naval Base, Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and
is expected to be completed by May 2008. Contract funds will not expire
at the end of the fiscal year. This contract was competitively procured
with six proposals solicited and two offers received. The Naval
Facilities Engineering Command, Southeast, Public Works Department, U.S.
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba is the contracting activity (N69450-07-C-3313).

AIR FORCE

General Atomics, San Diego, Calif., is being awarded a $58,976,370
firm-fixed-price contract. This effort is for the manufacture, test and
delivery of four Predator B Reaper MQ-9 unmanned aerial vehicles and
associated equipment to include initial spares, ground support
equipment, and 30-day pack-up kits. At this time, total funds have been
obligated. Solicitations began January 2006 and negotiations were
complete April 2007. This work will be complete December 2009.
Headquarters Aeronautical Systems Center, Wright-Patterson Air Force
Base, Ohio, is the contracting activity (FA8620-05-G-3028-0007).

Goodrich Corp., Chelmsford, Mass., is being awarded a $37,000,000
firm-fixed-price contract. This action provides for delivery of two
reconnaissance pods, one mobile ground station, and test and integration
support. This effort supports foreign military sales to Greece. At this
time, $18,449,876 have been obligated. This work will be complete May
2009. Headquarters Aeronautical Systems Center, Wright-Patterson Air
Force Base, Ohio, is the contracting activity (FA8620-07-C-4021).

General Atomics, San Diego, Calif., is being awarded a $10,135,251
cost-plus-fixed-fee contract. This contract action will provide a series
of required tasks to design, fabricate, integrate, and test the Predator
MQ-1B Block X aircraft which will utilize a Heavy Full Engine (HFE),
will support a 3,200 lbs gross take-off weight, and will carry four
Hellfire missiles (2 on each wing). The Predator MQ-1B Block X shall
leverage off technology from the existing Predator B (MQ-9) program, the
Army’s extended range multi-purpose program and on-going GA-ASI internal
research and development efforts. At this time, total funds have been
obligated. Solicitations began June 2006 and negotiations were complete
April 2007. Headquarters Aeronautical Systems Center, Wright-Patterson
Air Force Base, Ohio, is the contracting activity
(FA8620-05-G-3028-0016).

EMC Engineering Inc., Lakewood, Calif., Reynolds Smith and Hills,
Jacksonville, Fla., and Lockwood, Andrews and Newnan Inc., Dallas,
Texas, is being awarded a $10,000,000 indefinite delivery/indefinite
quantity, firm-fixed-price contract. This action provides for ID/IQ
Worldwide Architectural and Engineering services for energy and
environmental requirements for the support of the Defense Commissary
Agency. At this time, no funds have been obligated. Air Education and
Training Command, Lackland Air Force Base, Texas, is the contracting
activity (FA3002-07-D-0011/EMC Engineering Inc.,
FA3002-07-D-0010/Reynold Smith & Hills, FA3002-07-D-012/Lockwood,
Andrews & Newnan Inc).

Rockwell Collins Inc., Government Systems, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, is being
awarded a $6,500,000 firm-fixed-price contract. This contract action
provides for five C-130 avionics Group “B” kits for the Pakistan Air
Force. At this time, total funds have been obligated. Solicitations
began February 2007 and negotiations were complete April 2007. This work
will be complete August 2008. Headquarters Warner Robins Air Logistics
Center, Robins Air Force Base, Ga., is the contracting activity
(FA8504-07-C-0006).

Story Number: NNS070507-05
Release Date: 5/7/2007 8:13:00 AM


By Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Riza Caparros, Fleet Public
Affairs Center Atlantic

NORFOLK (NNS) -- A prototype of the newest Expeditionary Fighting
Vehicle (EFV) was introduced to DoD leaders and key personnel during an
orientation event, May 2, at Naval Amphibious Base Little Creek.

The EFV is designed to replace the amphibious assault vehicle (AAV),
which has been used by the Marine Corps since 1972. The EFV will enable
the Navy and Marine Corps team to project power from the sea base to
exploit intervening sea and land terrain and achieve surprise.

“To me, the overall main benefit is the better firepower and the armor,”
said Staff Sgt. William Becker, EFV test engineer, Amphibious Vehicle
Test Branch, Camp Pendleton, Calif. “We can do 25 nautical mile sea
objective maneuvers, 25 nautical miles over the horizon and then move
inland approximately 200 miles on only one tank of fuel.”

During the four-hour orientation, participants experienced riding in the
EFV during a high-water speed demonstration. They were also given a ride
in the sand when the Marines introduced the vehicle’s cross-country
mobility with maneuvers on the beach.

Cpl. Thomas Elliot, vehicle commander also from the amphibious vehicle
test branch at Camp Pendleton, said it was an honor to show the
participants all the capabilities of the vehicle.

“It was a lot of fun to show them where their hard work and money has
gone,” said Elliot. “Every one of them had nothing but positive insight
and comments after experiencing the ride on the water and on land.”

Becker described some ways the EFV benefits the Marine Corps.

“The EFV’s aluminum hull and custom two-mode diesel engine adds
protection over the sea and on land that Marines did not have with the
AAV.”

EFV crew chief, Cpl. Christian Cruz, added the towing power and speed of
the new vehicle will make a big difference once it sees battle.

“We’re able to carry 17 combat-loaded Marines,” said Cruz. “On land it
does 45 miles per hour and in high-motor speed mode it does
approximately 25-30 knots. The AAV can only reach up to seven knots in
the water.”

Cruz also highlighted the EFV’s firepower.

“There is a .50-caliber gun and a Mark-19 on the AAV, on the EFV we have
a MK44 Mod 1 30 mm automatic cannon,” he added. “With that firepower, we
can engage targets and carry out our mission feeling relatively safe.”

“To me, the overall main benefit is the better firepower, the armor and
the specimen of the vehicle -- it looks a lot bigger, so it is a more
intimidating vehicle to the enemy,” said Becker.

Becker expressed his desire to see the EFV program move forward.

“We’re continuously testing the EFV’s capabilities, said Becker. “Every
day we’re finding new things to add or change with the current design to
make it the machine it is meant to be.”

Full-rate production of the EFV is scheduled for no later than 2020.

Importance Very High
Location of Detention U.S. Naval Station Guantanamo Bay, Cuba3
Capturing Authority CIA

Affiliation Al-Qaeda2
Role Senior Operative2
Supervisor Osama bin Laden
Affiliation Al-Qaeda in Iraq2
Affiliation Mujahideen Shura Council1,3
Affiliation Al-Qaeda Military Committee3
Full Given Name Nashwan Abdulrazaq Abdulbaqi
Nationality Iraqi1
Alias(es) Abu Abdallah
Alternate Spelling(s) Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi, Al-Hadi al-Iraqi, 'Abd
al-Hadi al-Iraqi, Nashwan 'Abd al-Razzaq 'Abd al-Baqi
Possibly the same as Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi
Rough Age 46

Date of Birth 19613
Place of Birth Mosul, Iraq1,3
Height 5-11
Weight 220 lbs
Gender Male
Description Eyes: Hazel. Hair: Brown. Complexion: Fair. Wears a
mustache and long beard.
History Veteran of Afghanistan-Soviet civil war (1980-1989)2
History Attended training camp in postwar Afghanistan (1990-2001)


Narrative and Notes

Reliable Abd al-Hadi al-Iraqi was one of al-Qaida's most senior
operatives and paramilitary commanders at the time of his capture in
Fall 2006. He had been in direct communication with both Osama bin Laden
and Ayman al-Zawahiri; at one point, he served as al-Zawahiri's
caretaker.

He was in Afghanistan during the late 1990s. He commanded several
training camps and functioned as the organization's "internal operations
chief."

He commanded cross-border raids into Afghanistan (presumably from
Pakistan) between 2002 and 2004. He also oversaw plots to assassinate
Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf and an undisclosed U.N. official.

In particular, he led a rocket attack against U.S. forces in Afghanistan
in Fall 2003.

In recent years, he has served as a senior deputy of Osama bin Laden
monitoring events in Iraq; he has helped communicate between bin Laden
and al-Qaeda in Iraq.

He also met with al-Qaeda operatives in Iran to exhort them to do more
in Iraq and in Iran.

He served as a major in Iraqi army under Saddam Hussein before going to
fight against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s.

Regarded as skilled, intelligent and respected al-Qaeda commander.

He was captured at an undisclosed location in 2006 while trying to reach
Iraq. He was in CIA custody until he was turned over to the U.S.
military and taken to Guantamamo Bay, Cuba, in April 2007.

The U.S. government offered a reward of up to $1 million for information
leading to his capture

p.s Don't try to contact me I politically don't exisit

Those who say Clinton didn't try anything and those who say Bush get's
the job done.

Truth is Clinton Adminstration did try to do something but, in a letter
he admitted defeat and failure.

So this Memorandum of my own desk i am posting for you all..

Bush Administration's First Memo
on al-Qaeda .

January 25, 2001 Richard Clarke Memo:
"We urgently need . . . a Principals level
review on the al Qida network."

"A Comprehensive Strategy to Fight Al-Qaeda"?
Rice versus Clinton on January 2001 Clarke Memo

Washington, D.C., September 27, 2006 - In a series of recent public
statements, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has again denied that
the Clinton administration presented the incoming administration of
President George W. Bush with a "comprehensive strategy" against
al-Qaeda.

Rice's denials were prompted by a September 22 Fox News interview with
Bill Clinton in which the former president asserted that he had "left a
comprehensive anti-terror strategy" with the incoming Bush
administration in January 2001.

In a September 25 interview, Rice told the New York Post, "We were not
left a comprehensive strategy to fight al-Qaida," adding that, "Nobody
organized this country or the international community to fight the
terrorist threat that was upon us until 9/11."

The crux of the issue is a January 25, 2001
A memo on al-Qaeda from counterterrorism coordinator Richard Clarke to
National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, the first terrorism strategy
paper of the Bush administration. The document was central to the debate
over pre-9/11 Bush administration policy on terrorism and figured
prominently in the 9/11 hearings held in 2004. A declassified copy of
the Clarke memo was first posted on the Web by the National Security
Archive in February 2005.

Clarke's memo, described below, "urgently" requested a high-level
National Security Council review on al-Qaeda and included two
attachments: a declassified December 2000 "Strategy for Eliminating the
Threat from the Jihadist Networks of al-Qida: Status and Prospects" and
the September 1998 "Pol-Mil Plan for al-Qida," the so-called Delenda
Plan, which remains classified.

Below are excerpts from the recent statements of former President
Clinton and Secretary Rice:


Former President Bill Clinton on Fox News, September 22, 2006:

CLINTON: And I think it’s very interesting that all the conservative
Republicans, who now say I didn’t do enough, claimed that I was too
obsessed with bin Laden. All of President Bush’s neo-cons thought I was
too obsessed with bin Laden. They had no meetings on bin Laden for nine
months after I left office. All the right-wingers who now say I didn’t
do enough said I did too much — same people.

...

WALLACE: Do you think you did enough, sir?

CLINTON: No, because I didn’t get him.

WALLACE: Right.

CLINTON: But at least I tried. That’s the difference in me and some,
including all the right-wingers who are attacking me now. They ridiculed
me for trying. They had eight months to try. They did not try. I tried.

So I tried and failed. When I failed, I left a comprehensive anti-terror
strategy and the best guy in the country, **** Clarke, who got demoted.

...

CLINTON: What did I do? What did I do? I worked hard to try to kill him.
I authorized a finding for the CIA to kill him. We contracted with
people to kill him. I got closer to killing him than anybody has gotten
since. And if I were still president, we’d have more than 20,000 troops
there trying to kill him.

Now, I’ve never criticized President Bush, and I don’t think this is
useful. But you know we do have a government that thinks Afghanistan is
only one-seventh as important as Iraq.

And you ask me about terror and Al Qaida with that sort of dismissive
thing? When all you have to do is read Richard Clarke’s book to look at
what we did in a comprehensive, systematic way to try to protect the
country against terror.

And you’ve got that little smirk on your face and you think you’re so
clever. But I had responsibility for trying to protect this country. I
tried and I failed to get bin Laden. I regret it. But I did try. And I
did everything I thought I responsibly could.

The entire military was against sending Special Forces in to Afghanistan
and refueling by helicopter. And no one thought we could do it
otherwise, because we could not get the CIA and the FBI to certify that
Al Qaida was responsible while I was president.


Condoleezza Rice Interview with New York Post Editorial Board:

QUESTION: By now I assume you’ve seen Bill Clinton’s performances. How
do you respond to his specific accusation that the eight months before
9/11 the Bush Administration, in his words, didn’t even try to go after
al-Qaida?

SECRETARY RICE: I’d just say read the 9/11 report. We went through this.
We went through this argument. The fact of the matter is I think the
9/11 Commission got it about right. Nobody organized this country or the
international community to fight the terrorist threat that was upon us
until 9/11. I would be the first to say that because, you know, we
didn’t fight the war on terror in the way that we’re fighting it now. We
just weren’t organized as a country either domestically or as a leader
internationally.

But what we did in the eight months was at least as aggressive as what
the Clinton Administration did in the preceding years. In fact, it is
not true that Richard Clarke was fired. Richard Clarke was the
counterterrorism czar when 9/11 happened and he left when he did not
become Deputy Director of Homeland Security some several months later.
We were not left a comprehensive strategy to fight al-Qaida. For
instance, big pieces were missing, like an approach to Pakistan that
might work, because without Pakistan you weren’t going to get
Afghanistan. And there were reasons that nobody could think of actually
going in and taking out the Taliban, either the Clinton Administration
or the Bush Administration, because it’s true you couldn’t get basing
rights in Uzbekistan and that was the long pole in the tent.

So I would make the divide September 11, 2001 when the attack on this
country mobilized us to fight the war on terror in a very different way.
But the notion that somehow for eight months the Bush Administration sat
there and didn’t do that is just flatly false. And you know, I think
that the 9/11 Commission understood that.

QUESTION: So you’re saying Bill Clinton is a liar?

SECRETARY RICE: No, I’m just saying that, look, there was a lot of
passion in that interview and I’m not going to – I would just suggest
that you go back and read the 9/11 Commission report on the efforts of
the Bush Administration in the eight months, things like working to get
an armed Predator that actually turned out to be extraordinarily
important, working to get a strategy that would allow us to get better
cooperation from Pakistan and from the Central Asians, but essentially
continuing the strategy that had been left to us by the Clinton
Administration, including with the same counterterrorism czar who was
Richard Clarke. But I think this is not a very fruitful discussion
because we’ve been through it; the 9/11 Commission has turned over every
rock and we know exactly what they said.


NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES
Eighth Public Hearing
Wednesday, March 24, 2004
Hart Senate Office Building, Washington, DC
Chaired by: Thomas H. Kean

Testimony of Dan Marcus - 9/11 Commission staff member, general counsel:

In December 2000, the CIA developed initiatives -- moving off the Cole
now -- based on the assumption that policy and money were no longer
constraints. The result was the so-called Blue Sky memo, which we
discussed earlier today. This was forwarded to the NSC staff.

As the Clinton administration drew to a close, the NSC counterterrorism
staff developed another strategy paper; the first such comprehensive
effort since the Delenda plan of 1998. The resulting paper, titled "A
Strategy for Eliminating the Threat from the Jihadist Networks of Al
Qaida; Status and Prospects," reviewed the threat, the records to date,
incorporated the CIA's new ideas from the Blue Sky memo, and posed
several near-term policy choices. The goal was to roll back Al Qaida
over a period of three to five years, reducing it eventually to a rump
group like others formerly feared but now largely defunct terrorist
organizations in the 1980s. Quote, "Continued anti-Al Qaida operations
at the current level will prevent some attacks, but will not seriously
attrite their ability to plan and conduct attacks," Clarke and his staff
wrote.

…

Asked by Hadley to offer major initiatives, on January 25, 2001 Clarke
forwarded his December 2000 strategy paper and a copy of his 1998
Delenda plan to the new national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice.
Clarke laid out a proposed agenda for urgent action by the new
Administration: Approval of covert assistance to the Northern Alliance;
significantly increase funding; choosing a standard of evidence for
attributing responsibility for the Cole and deciding on a response;
going forward with new Predator missions in the spring and preparation
of an armed version; and more work on terrorist fundraising.

…

Clarke asked on several occasions for early principals meetings on these
issues, and was frustrated that no early meeting was scheduled. No
principals committee meetings on Al Qaida were held until September 4th,
2001. Rice and Hadley said this was because the deputies committee
needed to work through many issues relating to the new policy on Al
Qaida. The principals committee did meet frequently before September
11th on other subjects, Rice told us, including Russia, the Persian Gulf
and the Middle East peace process. Rice and Hadley told us that,
although the Clinton administration had worked very hard on the Al Qaida
program, its policies on Al Qaida, quote, "had run out of gas," and they
therefore set about developing a new presidential directive and a new,
comprehensive policy on terrorism.

Testimony of Richard Clarke, former White House counterterrorism
coordinator:

TIMOTHY ROEMER, Commission Member: OK. With my 15 minutes, let's move
into the Bush administration.

On January 25th, we've seen a memo that you've written to Dr. Rice
urgently asking for a principals' review of Al Qaida. You include
helping the Northern Alliance, covert aid, significant new '02 budget
authority to help fight Al Qaida and a response to the USS Cole. You
attach to this document both the Delenda Plan of 1998 and a strategy
paper from December 2000.

Do you get a response to this urgent request for a principals meeting on
these? And how does this affect your time frame for dealing with these
important issues?

CLARKE: I did get a response, and the response was that in the Bush
administration I should, and my committee, counterterrorism security
group, should report to the deputies committee, which is a sub-Cabinet
level committee, and not to the principals and that, therefore, it was
inappropriate for me to be asking for a principals' meeting. Instead,
there would be a deputies meeting.

ROEMER: So does this slow the process down to go to the deputies rather
than to the principals or a small group as you had previously done?

CLARKE: It slowed it down enormously, by months. First of all, the
deputies committee didn't meet urgently in January or February. Then
when the deputies committee did meet, it took the issue of Al Qaida as
part of a cluster of policy issues, including nuclear proliferation in
South Asia, democratization in Pakistan, how to treat the various
problems, including narcotics and other problems in Afghanistan, and
launched on a series of deputies meetings extending over several months
to address Al Qaida in the context of all of those inter-related issues.
That process probably ended, I think in July of 2001. So we were ready
for a principals meeting in July. But the principals calendar was full
and then they went on vacation, many of them in August, so we couldn't
meet in August, and therefore the principals met in September.

…

ROEMER: You then wrote a memo on September 4th to Dr. Rice expressing
some of these frustrations several months later, if you say the time
frame is May or June when you decided to resign. A memo comes out that
we have seen on September the 4th. You are blunt in blasting DOD for not
willingly using the force and the power. You blast the CIA for blocking
Predator. You urge policy-makers to imagine a day after hundreds of
Americans lay dead at home or abroad after a terrorist attack and ask
themselves what else they could have done. You write this on September
the 4th, seven days before September 11th.

CLARKE: That's right.

ROEMER: What else could have been done, Mr. Clarke?

CLARKE: Well, all of the things that we recommended in the plan or
strategy -- there's a lot of debate about whether it's a plan or a
strategy or a series of options -- but all of the things we recommended
back in January were those things on the table in September. They were
done. They were done after September 11th. They were all done. I didn't
really understand why they couldn't have been done in February.

…

SLADE GORTON, Commission member: Now, since my yellow light is on, at
this point my final question will be this: Assuming that the
recommendations that you made on January 25th of 2001, based on Delenda,
based on Blue Sky, including aid to the Northern Alliance, which had
been an agenda item at this point for two and a half years without any
action, assuming that there had been more Predator reconnaissance
missions, assuming that that had all been adopted say on January 26th,
year 2001, is there the remotest chance that it would have prevented
9/11?

CLARKE: No.

GORTON: It just would have allowed our response, after 9/11, to be
perhaps a little bit faster?

CLARKE: Well, the response would have begun before 9/11.

GORTON: Yes, but there was no recommendation, on your part or anyone
else's part, that we declare war and attempt to invade Afghanistan prior
to 9/11?

CLARKE: That's right.

…

TIMOTHY J. ROEMER: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Having served on the joint
inquiry, the only person of this 9/11 panel to have served on the
inquiry, I can say in open session to some of Mr. Fielding's inquiries
that as the joint inquiry asked for information on the National Security
Council and we requested that the National Security Adviser Dr. Rice
come before the joint inquiry and answer those questions. She refused.
And she didn't come. She didn't come before the 9/11 commission. And
when we asked for some questions to be answered, Mr. Hadley answered
those questions in a written form. So I think part of the answer might
be that we didn't have access to the January 25th memo. We didn't have
access to the September 4th memo. We didn't have access to many of the
documents and the e-mails. We're not only talking about Mr. Clarke being
before the 9/11 commission for more than 15 hours, but I think in
talking to the staff, we have hundreds of documents and e-mails that we
didn't previously have, which hopefully informs us to ask Mr. Clarke and
ask Dr. Rice the tough questions.

GPO Access:DOCID:cr25mr04-92


Senator Mitch McConnell (R-KY):

Also in this August 2002 interview, Clarke noted the Bush
administration, in mid-January of 2001--before the 9/11 attack--decided
to do two things to respond to the threat of terrorism: "One, to
vigorously pursue the existing policy, including all the lethal covert
action finds which we have now made public, to some extent; the second
thing the administration decided to do was to initiate a process to look
at these issues which had been on the table for a couple of years and
get them decided.''

In other words, what Clarke was saying in 2002 to members of the press
was that the Bush administration's response to the war on terror was
much more aggressive than it was under the Clinton years.

Now he is singing an entirely different tune. This is a man who lacks
credibility. He may be an intelligent man, he may be a dedicated public
servant, but clearly he has a grudge of some sort against the Bush
administration. If he was unable to develop a more robust response
during the Clinton years, he would only be able to blame himself. He was
in charge of counterterrorism during those 8 years. How could the Bush
administration be to blame in 8 months for the previous administration's
failure over 8 years to truly declare war on al-Qaida?


Senator Tom Daschle (D-SD):

In Mr. Clarke's case, clear and troubling double standards are being
applied. Last year, when the administration was being criticized for the
President's misleading statement about Niger and uranium, the White
House unexpectedly declassified portions of the National Intelligence
Estimate.

When the administration wants to bolster its public case, there is
little that appears too sensitive to be declassified.

Now, people around the President want to release parts of Mr. Clarke's
earlier testimony in 2002. According to news reports, the CIA is already
working on declassifying that testimony--at the administration's
request.

And last week several documents were declassified literally overnight,
not in an effort to provide information on a pressing policy matter to
the American people, but in an apparent effort to discredit a public
servant who gave 30 years of service to the American Government.

I'll support declassifying Mr. Clarke's testimony before the Joint
Inquiry, but the administration shouldn't be selective. Consistent with
our need to protect sources and methods, we should declassify his entire
testimony. And to make sure that the American people have access to the
full record as they consider this question, we should also declassify
his January 25 memo to Dr. Rice, the September 4, 2001 National Security
Directive dealing with terrorism, Dr. Rice's testimony to the 9-11
Commission, the still-classified 28 pages from the House-Senate inquiry
relating to Saudi Arabia, and a list of the dates and topics of all
National Security .


Representative Frank Pallone (D-NJ):

Now, this past Sunday, Clarke said he would support the declassification
of his testimony before the joint intelligence panels if the
administration also declassifies the National Security Adviser's
testimony before the 9/11 Commission and the declassification of the
January 25, 2001, memo that Clarke sent to Rice laying out a terrorism
strategy, a strategy that was not approved until months later.

Madam Speaker, House Democrats really want a full accounting of the
events leading up to the September 11 attacks, including the extent to
which a preoccupation with Iraq affected efforts to deal with the threat
posed by al Qaeda. It is nice to see the White House has finally stopped
stonewalling the commission and now says that it will provide the public
testimony the commission is requesting. But Americans need to be able to
fully evaluate the decisions of government leaders, especially when it
comes to the life and death decisions of war and peace.



NATIONAL COMMISSION ON TERRORIST ATTACKS UPON THE UNITED STATES
Ninth Public Hearing
Thursday, April 8, 2004
Hart Senate Office Building, Washington, DC
Chaired by: Thomas H. Kean

Testimony of national security advisor Condoleezza Rice:

MR. BOB KERREY, Committee Member: Well, I think it's an unfortunate
figure of speech because I think -- especially after the attack on the
Cole on the 12th of August -- October 2000. It would have been a
swatting a fly. It would not have been -- we did not need to wait to get
a strategic plan. **** Clarke had in his memo on the 20th of January
overt military operations as a -- he turned that memo around in 24
hours, Dr. Clarke. There were a lot of plans in place in the Clinton
administration, military plans in the Clinton administration. In fact,
just since we're in the mood to declassify stuff, he included in his
January 25th memo two appendixes: Appendix A, "Strategy for the
Elimination of the Jihadist Threat of al Qaeda;" Appendix B, "Political-
Military Plan for al Qaeda."

So I just -- why didn't we respond to the Cole? Why didn't we swat that
fly?

MS. RICE: I believe that there is a question of whether or not you
respond in a tactical sense or whether you respond in a strategic sense,
whether or not you decide that you are going to respond to every attack
with minimal use of military force and go after every -- on a kind of
tit-for-tat basis. By the way, in that memo, **** Clarke talks about not
doing this tit for tat, doing this on a time of our choosing.

…

Yes, the Cole had happened. We received, I think, on January 25th the
same assessment or roughly the same assessment of who was responsible
for the Cole that Sandy Berger talked to you about. It was preliminary.
It was not clear. But that was not the reason that we felt that we did
not want to, quote, "respond to the Cole."

We knew that the options that had been employed by the Clinton
administration had been standoff options. The President had -- meaning
missile strikes, or perhaps bombers would have been possible, long-range
bombers, although getting in place the apparatus to use long-range
bombers is even a matter of whether you have basing in the region.

We knew that Osama bin Laden had been, in something that was provided to
me, bragging that he was going to withstand any response, and then he
was going to emerge and come out stronger. We --
…We simply believed that the best approach was to put in place a plan
that was going to eliminate this threat, not respond to it, tit-for-tat.

…

MS. RICE: The fact is that what we were presented on January the 25th
was a set of ideas -- and a paper, most of which was about what the
Clinton administration had done, and something called the Delenda plan,
which had been considered in 1998 and never adopted.

…

We decided to take a different track. We decided to put together a
strategic approach to this that would get the regional powers -- the
problem wasn't that you didn't have a good counterterrorism person. The
problem was you didn't have approach against al Qaeda because you didn't
have an approach against Afghanistan, and you didn't have an approach
against Afghanistan because you didn't have an approach against
Pakistan. And until we could get that right, we didn't have a policy.

…

In the memorandum that **** Clarke sent me on January 25th, he mentions
sleeper cells. There is no mention or recommendation of anything that
needs to be done about them. And the FBI was pursuing them. And usually
when things come to me it's because I'm supposed to do something about
it, and there was no indication that the FBI was not adequately pursuing
the sleeper cells




Operative Agent: BlackBird Signing out